Labour Reforms in Brazil and Chile (a Comparative Study)

UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY COURSE COMPARATIVE INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS (MIR 709) TOPIC LABOUR REFORMS IN BRAZIL AND CHILE (A COMPARATIVE STUDY) A PAPER SUBMITTED TO THE DEPT OF SOCIOLOGY BY GROUP 4 Adepoju Janet Oluwatosin167455 Ayangbemi Olusola Temitope166905 Dagunduro Adebukola Olufunke167457 Ogunsemoyin Olubusayo B. 81014 LECTURER IN CHARGE: PROF. ONYEONORU P. I. OCTOBER, 2012 INTRODUCTION Labour laws is defined as the balance of power among government, employers, workers, and unions.The redrafting of a country’s labour laws typically reflects a shift in the power relations and may carry unfavourable consequences for a former beneficiaries. As the Colliers put it, â€Å"Labour law is a highly visible and concrete policy statement around which political battles are fought, won, and lost, and around which political support is attracted, granted, and withheld†¦ labour law thus provides a valuable point of reference for analyzing the larger political contex t† (Collier and Collier 1979, 971). The reform of national labour laws is one of the most widely implemented recent policy changes in the world.Since the early 1990s, Brazil as well as Chile have changed their labour laws. Labour reforms have also provoked massive protests, including general strikes. It can be understood that the changes in labour law occurring on a global scale are themselves a response to the pressure of globalization. In most nations of the world, labour legislation was originally made to reflect government-employer-worker relationships embedded in protected national economies. But in recent years, trade liberalization and greater global competitiveness have created new challenges for employers and workers.Pressures for legal and institutional change have naturally followed. This study is all about comparative insights into labour reform processes at the end of the twentieth century of two Latin American countries, Brazil and Chile. Despite similar initial prescriptions for change in the direction of greater flexibility, the outcomes of labour reforms differed in the two countries. In the 1990s, moderate flexibility reforms were implemented in Brazil while in Chile, changes in labour law was extensive.THE LATIN AMERICAN CONTEXT The region followed a common import substituting industrialization (ISI) model in the post-war period. This development strategy reshaped the Latin American economies, societies and institutions. While traditional interest groups linked to the primary sectors reduced their political influence, new social groups with interests in the local industries gained social and political strength. After some time, this inward-oriented development strategy began to show clear signs of exhaustion.The performance of Latin American countries was not good enough compared with the South-East Asian countries that claimed to adopt an almost opposite economic model. The political support of the ISI model was gradually eroding in L atin America when the debt crisis unleashed in 1982 and the failure of early policies implemented by some countries to deal with it played an important role in reshaping policy views in the region. Latin America of course is not homogeneous, but there are some structural characteristics common to most countries in the region that had a bearing on the reform process.The region’s competitive advantages are biased in favour of natural resources, and primary commodities explain a large share of exports: minerals and oil in Chile, Venezuela and Peru, agriculture in Argentina, Paraguay, and Uruguay; even in more industrialized Brazil and Mexico primary products are still relevant. This feature impinges on the region’s political economy via the so-called natural resource â€Å"curse†. The distribution of income and assets in Latin America is highly unequal compared to other regions in the world.As the 2006 World Development Report of the World Bank suggests, income ine quality of this magnitude is quite likely a signal of unequal opportunities (rather than of different choices) – World Bank (2005). Because of the structural lack of equity, many Latin Americans did not have the chance to take advantage of the opportunities open by reform; hence many opportunities at the individual level were lost. Besides, groups that were marginalized and segregated did not support reform and often opposed it actively, fearing that a more competitive environment would do them more harm than good.In several of the countries, the so-called structural reforms came hand in hand with efforts at macroeconomic stabilization. There had been a long list of stabilization attempts before this period, but the macroeconomic stabilization programs that accompanied the structural reforms were usually deeper and lasted more than previous ones. The perception of greater deepness of these stabilization efforts was related to the simultaneous implementation of other component s of the reform package.Also, there have been important â€Å"contagion† effects across countries, that is, learning from the interpretation of the (successful and unsuccessful) experiences of other countries in the region. Having referred to many common factors, it is also important to stress that Latin American countries are quite different in many dimensions. Country size is obviously one of the dimensions in which the region is not homogeneous; a dimension that became particularly relevant for the fate of the inward oriented ISI model (think about the size of the domestic market in Brazil as compared for instance with Chile).Economic and social development show significant variation across countries as well. The historical starting points in terms of social and economic structure, as well as in the details of past policies, were also different in different countries when pro-market reforms began. Social indicators as literacy ratios, life expectancy and the like also show much variation. Even when most countries adopted a version of the ISI model in the post-war period, the progress they made in that direction varied considerably in terms, for instance, of the degree of industrialization they reached.This was partly dictated by the size of the domestic market and partly by policy options and political conditions. In spite of some common institutional heritage from the colonial era, political and institutional history also shows significant variation across countries in Latin America. Most countries in the region experienced periods of dictatorship in the twentieth century, but while some spent most of the century under those conditions, others did it for relatively short periods. The quality of institutions and the incidence of corruption also varies, Kaufmann, D. , A. Kraay and M. Mastruzzi (2003).The different starting points and idiosyncratic characteristics influenced the fate of the pro-market reform. BRIEF HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Brazil The hist ory of Brazil starts with Indigenous Peoples of the Americas, who arrived thousands of years ago by crossing the Bering land bridge into Alaska and then moving south. The first European to explore Brazil was Pedro Alvares Cabral on April 22, 1500 under the sponsorship of Portugal. From the 16th to the 19th centuries, Brazil was a colony of Portugal. On September 7, 1822, the country declared its independence from Portugal and became a constitutional monarchy, the Empire of Brazil.A military coup in 1889 established a republican government. The country has seen a dictatorship (1930–1934 and 1937–1945) and a period of military rule (1964–1985). Brazil returned to democracy in 1985, after more than two decades of uninterrupted military governments. The first democratic government unsuccessfully tried to stabilize the economy and made little progress with reform, but since 1990, when Collor de Mello arrived to the presidency, the successive democratic governments ca rried on a series of market-oriented reforms. It was argued that democratization facilitated the introduction of market oriented reforms in Brazil.While the military stayed in government, the protective mantle of â€Å"national security† and â€Å"key-sectors protection† became a standard speech, always blocking a deeper integration into the world economy. This ideological view was present not just at the top of the military regime but also inside the mid-level military officers who were commonly appointed to prominent positions in economic ministries and state enterprises. In the nineties, under democratic rule, a new breed of internationally-minded top civil servants replaced these officers.Reform in Brazil followed a pragmatic way, meaning that it was gradual, piecemeal, and loosely coordinated. Fragmentation of the political system prevented any group from gaining dominance and forced a negotiated style, leading to gradualism. So, most policies took time, were nego tiated, and had to go through multiple veto points. The informal institution of rather fluid ties among state elites and between them and business facilitated consensus building around reform policies, but they had to be negotiated. In this manner, the policy outcomes were unlikely to be extreme.The actual social and economic outcomes have not been too spectacular, and some discontent against â€Å"the reforms† has breaded. Yet, the arrival to office in 2003 of a left-wing party, the PT, has not generated any reversal, suggesting that â€Å"pragmatism† is not likely to be displaced soon in Brazilian economic policy making. Chile The territory of Chile has been populated since at least 12,000 ago. By the 16th century, Spanish conquistadors began to subdue and colonize the region of present-day Chile, and the territory became a colony from 1540 to 1818, when it gained independence from Spain.The country's economic development was successively marked by the export of firs t agricultural produce, then saltpetre and later copper. The wealth of raw materials led to an economic upturn, but also led to dependency, and even wars with neighbouring states. The country was governed during most of its first 150 years of independent life by different forms of restricted government, where the electorate was carefully vetted and controlled by an elite.Failure to address the economic and social disparities and increasing political awareness of the less-affluent population, as well as indirect intervention and economic funding to the main political groups by both the KGB and the CIA, as part of the Cold War, led to a political polarization under Socialist President Salvador Allende which in turn resulted in the 11 September 1973 coup and the military dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet, whose 17- year regime was responsible for numerous human rights violations and deep market-oriented economic reforms.In 1990, Chile made a peaceful transition to democracy. Wit h ups and downs, Chile followed a basically inward-looking-state-centred development strategy from 1930 to 1973. It was not very different from the experience of other Latin American countries, save probably for the socialist period between 1971 and 1973. This period ended up with a severe socio-economic and political crisis that paved the road for a military coup that inaugurated a dictatorship that would last until the late eighties. The military government pushed a far reaching pro-market reform agenda.This experience is usually regarded as a leading case of market-friendly reforms, not only for the adoption of a shock therapy, but also for doing it well before most other countries in the region. Beginning in late 1973, several structural reforms were implemented, including the liberalization of most prices, interest rates and wages; drastic reductions in tariffs and the elimination of non-tariff barriers to trade; the strengthening of fiscal and monetary policies; the privatizat ion of more than 500 firms; the reform of the pension program; and the adoption of new policies of competition and regulation.In the early eighties, Chile, like other developing countries, underwent a deep economic and financial crisis. There was some reversal of reforms during this period, but the military government resumed the liberalizing reforms soon after it. Chile returned to democracy in 1990. One of the most notable aspects of the Chilean process is that after the return to democracy in 1990, the centre-left coalition that has governed the country since, did not revert the market reform process.There were several peculiar factors leading the military dictatorship to follow the suggestions of a group of foreign-trained economists towards market liberalization (against the nationalistic tendencies of part of the military). Some possible sources of opposition (such as unions or left leaning parties) were silenced by the dictatorship.Business sectors were relatively grateful si nce firms were devolved to private owners after nationalization by the previous socialist government of Allende, so that they did not oppose trade liberalization. The way the transition to democracy was instrumented in the late eighties was key for the consolidation of pro-market reforms in Chile. Consolidation was by no means granted by that time, for the parties that formed the winning coalition (named the Concertacion) in the 1989 elections had opposed many of the reforms.Also, formerly repressed interest groups could take advantage of the new political environment to voice their demands, pushing the new government towards a less neutral and more lenient fiscal policy. According to Foguel, Miguel, Indermit Gill, Rosane Mendonca and Ricardo Paes de Barros, (1998), several factors contributed to the consolidation of the pro-market reform in the transition period: * the good performance of the economy in 1985-1989; * the concurrent fall of socialist regimes in Europe; the economic f ailure of democratic transition in Argentina (that contributed to convince several left15 wing politicians of the risks of â€Å"heterodox† policies); * the intellectual renovation and internationalization of the circles around the Concertacion, which lead to a â€Å"revaluation of continuity†; and * several institutional enclaves in the new constitution, increasing the veto power and political relevance of â€Å"the right†, which forced democratic presidents to follow consensual strategies on economic matters. Chile seems to be in a path of institutional and policy consolidation.The democratic governments have maintained the core of the economic reforms undertaken during the dictatorship, while steadily (albeit slowly, according to some views) advancing on the social and democratic front. These steps have taken place according to a style of policymaking that is much more consensual and institutionalized than that of other Latin American countries. (IADB, 2005). EVOLUTION OF LABOUR REFORM IN BRAZIL The Consolidated Labour Code The main body of the Brazilian labour legislation was introduced in the 1940s, and consolidated into the Consolidacao das Leis do Trabalho (CLT) in 1943.The CLT is a large, often overlapping, set of rules which determines individual and collective rights and duties of the workers, unions and firms. The law determines that all workers must have a booklet where all individual labour contracts and its changes over time are registered by the employer. By definition, a formal worker has a booklet signed by his employer (â€Å"carteira assinada†) Besides the obligation to sign the booklet, the law stipulates a set of minimum conditions any employment relationship must follow.The most important rules are: maximum hours of work per week; maximum extra-time working hours; minimum payment for extra-time work; minimum wage; pre-paid annual vacations; special protection clauses for women and children; the dismissal of pre gnant women is forbidden; the right of paid vacation before and after childbirth, for the mother; special work conditions for night shifts; one month pre-notification of firing; and protection against unjustified dismissals. There have been changes in the legislation since the creation of the CLT. In particular: In 1962, introduction of a one monthly wage annual bonus (â€Å"thirteenth salary†).In 1963, introduction of a family allowance. In 1965, introduction of a wage adjustment law which determined the minimum rate of wage adjustments of all workers in the economy. In 1966, creation of a severance fund (Fundo de Garantia por Tempo de Servico – FGTS) in place of a clause forbidding dismissal of workers with more than 10 years of tenure. In 1986, creation of an unemployment insurance program which today covers about 25% of the country’s labour force. In 1988, approval of a new Constitution with the introduction of new labour clauses. Severance Rules and Unemplo yment CompensationUntil 1965, to fire a worker without a proper justification the employer had to pay one month’s wage for each year of work in the firm. The compensation was calculated on the basis of the higher wage received during the work contract. It was a duty of the employer to prove the dismissal was justified, and the conditions for justified dismissals were clearly defined in the law. After 10 years in the same enterprise, dismissals were forbidden by law, except if properly justified. In 1966, this entire system of protection against non-justified dismissals was changed.A severance fund was created, called the Fundo de Garantia por Tempo de Servico (FGTS). When hiring a worker, the firm had to open a banking account for the worker and deposit 8% of the value of the wage in the account. Today, Caixa Economica Federal, a government saving and loans institution, collects the FGTS levy and invests it primarily in urban housing projects giving workers a legally guarante ed minimum deposit rate. When dismissed without a just cause (â€Å"sem justa causa†) the worker could draw this money and received a monetary compensation corresponding to a fine of 10% over the total amount of the fund.Like many other Latin American countries (see Loayza, 1998), dismissal for economic reasons is not considered a just cause. In 1988 the fine for unjust dismissal was increased to 40% of the worker’s FGTS account balance. Besides this fine, the employer has to notify the worker one month before he will be fired. This is the â€Å"aviso previo† law, or previous notification of firing. During the month the worker has received the previous notification of firing, he/she is allowed, according to the law, to take two hours a day to look for a new job.This implies a minimum cost of 25% of the worker's monthly wage. In fact the cost is usually higher since firms end up paying the notification fee to the worker and dismissing him immediately. Thus, the t otal cost of dismissal is 25% to 100% of the monthly wage plus 40% of the FGTS. The cost depends on the number of months the worker has worked for the firm. Since 1986, when fired, besides the advance notice, access to the FGTS (and the 40% fine for unfair dismissal), the worker also has the right to an unemployment compensation benefits.The unemployment compensation program offers partial coverage for up to four months of unemployment (extended to five months after 1996). To become eligible to receive the benefit, the worker must meet the following criteria: * to have been dismissed without a just cause; * to have had a formal labour contract during the last six months or to have been legally self-employed for at least 15 months; * to be unemployed for at least seven days; * must not receive any other pension; * must not have any other type of income sufficient to guarantee his own subsistence and that of his family.The value of the benefit cannot be lower than the value of the min imum wage, is adjusted monthly for inflation, and is related to the average wage received by the worker in the last three months in the previous job. Wage Laws An important change in the CLT was the introduction of the Wage Adjustment Law in 1965. Before this date, wage adjustments were fixed through collective bargaining between workers and employers unions, at the settlement dates (â€Å"data base†), and through individual negotiations between one worker and his/her employer.Only the minimum wage was determined directly by the President of the Republic, although most of the time it incorporated automatically the prescriptions given by indexation clauses imbedded in the Law. The Wage Adjustment Law gave the government the right to determine the minimum rate of adjustment of all wages in the formal sector of the economy. The first wage law stipulated that nominal wages should be adjusted once a year, at the settlement date of each occupation, following a formula which took th e past and expected future rate of inflation and the growth rate in GDP per capita as the base for the adjustments.The specific formula and the adjustment period changed many times over the years, as the rate of inflation increased. In 1995, one year after the introduction of the Real Plan, the Wage Law was abolished. Today, upward adjustment of wages is negotiated between employers and employees. But downward adjustment of wages is for all practical purposes prohibited by the Constitution: attempts to do so make employers open to lawsuits, which are generally resolved in favor of the worker.This was irrelevant during a time of high inflation, but now quite possibly adds to the rigidity of the labour market. The Reforms of 1988 The main changes of labour legislation introduced in the Constitution of 1988 can be summarized as follows: * The maximum number of hours of work per week was reduced from 48 to 44 hours and the minimum payment for extra-time hours increased from 20% to 50% o f the workers’ wages. * For continuous work shifts the maximum daily journey was reduced from eight to six hours. * A vacation bonus of one-third of the workers’ wages was created. The childbirth leave for mothers was increased to 120 days and a five days childbirth leave for the father was introduced. * Firing costs for unjustified dismissals increased from 10% of the FGTS balance to 40%. This is the list of the minimum individual rights for private sector and state enterprise workers. Working conditions can be improved through negotiations between the individual worker and the firm, or through collective bargaining. The Constitution of 1988 clearly mandated higher nonwage benefits and made dismissals costlier for employers. Payroll Taxes and Mandatory Benefits after 1988The CLT and the 1988 Constitution stipulate a very comprehensive set of minimum standards any individual contract must follow. The rules do not provide much space for negotiations between employers an d workers. The result is a rigid set of minimum rules, which reduces the flexibility of the labour contract in face of changes in the economic environment. In addition to the costs imposed by this inflexibility, there are more direct and obvious non-wage costs due to payroll taxes and mandatory benefits required by the law. The cost of labour can be decomposed into four parts: The basic contractual wage. * Mandatory benefits which include the annual one month bonus (terceiro salario), the contribution to the FGTS, vacations and other benefits. * Contributions to the official training system (SENAI and SENAC), to finance an institution which assist small enterprises (SEBRAE) and a contribution paid by firms to finance an workers’ assistance service (SESI or SESC). * Contribution to the federal social security system (INSS) and to fund educational services salario educacao) and an on-the-job accident insurance fee mandatory for all firms and proportional to the payroll.In addit ion to these contributions based on payroll costs, employers are also charged levies on revenues to pay for additional INSS-related obligations (Cofins), to be raised in 1999 from 1 to 2 percent and PIS/PASEP, the contributions towards the Fundo de Aparelho de Trabalhadores (FAT) which fund unemployment compensation, job search assistance and active labour programs such as training and microenterprise support schemes. These labour related levies can add up to between 2 and 3 percent of employer revenues. EVOLUTION OF LABOUR REFORM IN CHILE Labour Code (1931-1965)Initially, Chile’s labour market regulations is characterized with tripartite system of collective bargaining and conflict resolution. 1931 labour code focuses on conflict resolution. While the legislation favoured collective bargaining at the firm level, and this form of negotiations was dominant, the mechanisms of conflict resolution projected negotiations beyond the enterprise. With time, sector-wide negotiations s pread throughout the economy. Dismissal without expression of cause with a month’s notice. Severance payment of a month’s wage per year of tenure for â€Å"white collar workers.The main component of payroll taxes are social security contributions. Chile started a Social Security System in 1924, building from a set of privately established pensions systems that covered specific groups of workers or sectors of economic activity. These programs finance retirement, invalidity and family survivor benefits, a public health care system, the payment of family allowances, and an unemployment subsidy. In addition, there was a 1 % contribution to fund public training programs. The Chile labour market reform has come a long way and in each stage undergone few reforms to meet the demand of the changing market conditions.After the deadly coup of 1973, several labour unions, labour institutions were dissolved. In October, 1973, the Chilean government introduced wage adjustments, whi ch were linked to inflation rate. Chile labour market reform is significant because of the following reasons: * The country underwent a switch over from an economy, which was regulated to an economy, which is unregulated as well as open. This was brought about by the implementation of economic reforms pertaining to labour markets and pension system in the country. * The labour market in Chile has been over the years very unpredictable.Labour market in Chile during the seventies: During the middle seventies, the government in Chile launched the first structural reforms in Chile. Which in turn increased the unemployment rate. However, Chile experienced a healthy growth in the economy towards the end of seventies. Despite the speedy growth in economy, the labour market refused to recover from the high rate of unemployment. Reverse to what it was during the seventies, the labour market in the eighties recuperated very fast even though the crisis was much more severe than the previous on e. Even rate of growth in wages recovered comparatively fast.During this period, rate of unemployment reached 25%. As part of Chile labour market reform, the proportional adjustments pertaining to lower wages was made more than the higher wages. The method of indexation that existed between 1973 to 1979 had many drawbacks. In order to overcome these drawbacks, Labour Plan of 1979, was implemented, which stated that adjustment of wages would be made at or above inflation rate. At regular intervals, as part of Chile labour market reform, the government carried on with the practice of increasing wages but not in accordance with the rising rate of inflation.However, during the 1990s, there was increase in wages higher than what was declared for the purpose of readjustments. The Employment Security Law, states that if there is no valid cause for dismissing an employee, the worker could be re engaged in the job as per orders from a labour court. However, in the year 1978, this law was sub stituted by a method of â€Å"severance payment†. Chile labour market reform, Decree Law 2,200 stated that employers had the right to make changes in the contract between the employers as well as the employees and that they could fire an employee without giving any explanation to the employees.A â€Å"severance payment†, which was minimum was also introduced. Decree Law 2,200 as well as Chile labour market reform of 1979, led to the introduction of new techniques to supervise the activities of the labour unions. This was stated in Decree Law, 2,756. Collective bargaining was stated in Decree Law 2,758. Decree Law 2,756 and Decree Law 2,758 are collectively referred to as Labour Plan. Decree Law 2,756 governs matters related to labour union. Whereas, Decree law, 2,758 governs the various norms adopted in the event of a strike.Labour reforms that took place in Chile is summarized below; Phase I (1966-73) Increased polarization of the labour movement Generalized use of wa ge indexation. Dismissals require expression of â€Å"just† cause, or severance payment of a month’s wage per year of tenure. In spite of very high nominal contribution rates, by 1970 the public sector spent 20. 5 percent of its budget to cover the deficits in the health and pensions systems along with its own contributions. Phase II (1974-79) Economic Liberalization with a highly intervened labour market.Decree Law 670 of October 1974 substituted the earlier legislation that defined the tripartite commissions, giving them a consultative character. They were understood to be a transition mechanism, while a new policy towards the labour market was developed, and while union activities were banned.. Economy-wide wage adjustments imposed by decree. Dismissal without expression of cause reinstated in 1978 for all new hires. Employers pay a severance of a month’s wage per year of tenure to all dismissed workers, unless there is â€Å"just cause,† which include s â€Å"economic cause. A number of partial changes brought down contributions from a 60 percent at their peak in 1974, to the order of 33 percent in 1980. Rates varied according to the specific plan at which an employee was affiliated, but all the plans were guaranteed by the state. For example, in 1976, the 1% contribution earmarked to fund training program was eliminated. Phase III (1980-1990) Union affiliation becomes voluntary. Decentralized collective bargaining. Labour negotiations opened to market forces. Strikes without job guarantees after sixty days.No intervention of the government in the affairs of unions or the collective bargaining process, except for a wage floor guaranteed by law. The wage floor was eliminated in 1982, and as a by-product, the necessary conditions to replace striking workers were eroded. It also marked the era of minimum wage setting. Starting in 1981, dismissals of any worker, new or previously hired, can take place without expression of cause, an d as long as severance is paid. Severance payments are open to negotiations. In the absence of an explicit agreement the minimum severance would be a month wages per year of tenure with a 5 months ceiling.A 1984 reform established that the minimum severance agreed by the parties could not be less than the severance established by law. Furthermore, â€Å"economic cause† for dismissal is not â€Å"just cause† anymore. In 1980, a reform lowered social security contributions to just above 20 percent (10 % towards retirement, 7% towards health and about 3% towards disability). New entrants to the labour force would contribute to a new old-age program based on a mandated individualized savings plan, to be managed by private administrators (AFPs).Old contributors could to opt out of the traditional pay-as-you-go system. In the case of health care contributions, both old contributors and new entrants were given the choice to opt out of the public system (FONASA) and use the 7 percent towards a health care insurance policy provided by an authorized private health insurer (ISAPRES). A basic pension, the unemployment insurance, and the family allowances programs would be fully financed by the central government budget. Phase IV (1991 till date) This is the Consolidation of Labour Reforms.The new law eliminated the sixty days period for the legal strike, which allowed employers to dismiss striking workers without severance. The new law also reinstated stricter conditions for workers replacements in case of strike. Labour negotiations can take place at the sector level if both workers and employers agree to it. Dismissals require an expression of â€Å"cause†. Severance of one month wages per year of tenure applies to dismissals with â€Å"economic cause. † Severance would be paid with a 20% surcharge if the employer cannot prove an alleged â€Å"economic cause. No severance obligation in case of dismissals with â€Å"just cause. † Dismi ssal ceiling on severance payment raised to 11 month wages. THEMES ON LABOUR REFORM DISCUSSION The thematic elements under which labour reforms that occurred in the two Latin American countries under study will be discussed will focus on the labour’s strategic interest in labour law and its ability to pursue those interest during specific rounds of reform. These interests are derived from the legal and institutional framework of labour relations, which are often inherited from earlier period of legal and political incorporation of labour.Secondly is the willingness of government to see reform through. Government resolve is shaped by the pressure for the reform that it faces from international actors or domestic constituencies. Another thematic approach is the transition context for the reform. The nature of transitions as well as their timing affects the political environment for labour reform. Democratic transitions tend to favour rights-based reforms and strengthen unions, while market-oriented economic transitions tend to favour labour flexibility and weaken unions.The Initiation of the Reforms The crisis of the ISI model in the sixties and seventies left Latin American leaders searching for new paradigms. In this context, the pro-market reform agenda began to gain strength, initially pushed by groups of professional economists trained in the US, and reinforced later in the eighties and nineties by the IFIs. The experience of Thatcher in the UK and the fall of communism also contributed to create an environment favourable to pro-market reform. In some countries, these new ideas got through to the ruling army forces.Chile was the leading case, after a short socialist experience that ended with a military coup. Other countries only began the reform process in the early nineties, after suffering severe macroeconomic instability in the eighties. By that time, Chile had already become an example of a successful reformer that many wanted to reproduce. The debt crisis that blew up in the early eighties gave place to a decade characterized by severe macroeconomic instability in most countries in the region. There were several attempts at eterodox macroeconomic stabilization that failed completely. Brazil is probably one of the most distinctive cases. The pro-market structural reforms were out of the agenda in those years in most Latin American countries. Even in Chile, the debt crisis caused a partial and temporary reversion of the pro-market labour reform. It was only after these policies ended up in hyperinflation that the idea of implementing more orthodox stabilization programs bundled with structural pro-market reforms made its way through in the region in the early nineties.In the 1980s and 1990s, several democratic political leaders who gained elections proposing leftwing platforms ended up adopting the market-friendly package. Some of these presidents were concerned by little more than their political survival in the midst of i mpending or ongoing macroeconomic crises, and were pretty much open to â€Å"anything† that might deliver some short-term economic results that could lead to favourable political results for them. They ended up convinced that some variant of the market-friendly package was the most sensible option they had.Implementation Recent literature on reform emphasizes the key role of appropriate implementation and enforcement capacity to determine the outcome of reform (Stein and Tommasi 2005; Rius and van de Walle, 2004; Fanelli and Popov, 2003). It is considered that while the best designed policy packages may generate bad outcomes if implementation fails, policies that are not first-best in terms of design may still render acceptable results if they are well implemented (IADB, 2005).The quality of public policies in terms of enforcement and implementation varies considerably across the Latin American countries. Stein and Tommasi (2005) classified the Latin American countries in sev eral key dimensions of their economic policies, one of them being the capacity to enforce and effectively implement the policies. Of the two Latin American countries considered in this paper, Chile appears as the one with quite high enforcement and implementation capacity; Brazil has intermediate capability with implementation quality.The enforcement and implementation capacities are in turn related to the quality and independence of the bureaucracy, the quality and independence of the judiciary, and the capabilities of the Congress. Stein and Tommasi (2005) show that the index of enforcement and implementation capacity is positively correlated to indexes of congress capability, judicial independence and civil service development across these two Latin American countries. An independent and highly qualified judicial system is probably the most obvious enforcer of the laws.Delegating the implementation of policies to a professional and independent bureaucracy is also a good enforceme nt device. Chumacero et al (2005) claim that the Chilean military government that initially pushed the pro-market reform replaced the existing bureaucracy with a strong technocracy that contributed to improve the implementation and enforcement capacities of the State. Brazil followed a different route in that reformers did not replace the existing bureaucracy, Castelar Pinheiro, A. , R. Bonelli and B. Ross Schneider (2004).Nevertheless, Brazil already had a relatively good bureaucracy before the pro-market reform era. This allowed the government to delegate the implementation of trade liberalization and privatization to autonomous agencies, which according to Castelar Pinheiro et al (2004), was key for the advance of these reforms. Stakeholders The labour movement was more independent from the State and from the parties that ended up being reformist. In Brazil and Chile, trade unions would not favour pro-market reform, but they were forbidden in Chile when the reform began and relat ively weak in Brazil (Castelar Pinheiro et al).Labour movements in Brazil retained some degree of organizational strength, mobilization capacity and political influence, and were therefore able to fight off some of the reforms that were aimed at expanding labour market flexibility. They fought hard against the loss of core organizational resources as well as legal provisions regarding union structure and collective bargaining. In Chile, economic labour reforms occurred mostly under the dictatorship, along with labour code changes, the prospect for expanding labour rights under the democratic transition were limited.The issue of labour reform lies at the core of this disjuncture as it straddles major fault lines innate to the Chilean neoliberal project. On the one hand, cheap and flexible labour with few rights to collective action has formed a central axis of Chile’s economic model since Pinochet’s ruthless undermining of organised labour in the mid-1970s. This oppress ion was given a tangible legal form in the 1980 labour code that denied even the most basic of rights to the working population. Labour movements in Chile was pressured to moderate its demands during transition.Furthermore, labour ties to parties in power under the concertacion further constrained the movements ability to assert demands for reforms in the first-round democratic government. In summary, in Brazil political stability is a contextual premium, a potential threat to that stability came from the labour movement. By contrast, in Chile, the prime concern was economic stability. Unfortunately, labour mobilization was constrained by political compromises and organizational factors. The economic elites were the ones to be appeased.Capitalist interests, institutionally represented by the Confederacion de Produccion y Commercio (CPC), have strongly opposed any substantive changes to the labour code. They argue that, by impinging on labour market flexibility, reforms to the labour code would undermine the foundations of domestic accumulation to the detriment of all Chileans Inclusiveness of the Political Process behind the Reforms In Brazil, President Fernando Henrique Cardoso negotiated the pro-market reform along several years, and there was no reversal, even after the opposition took office.Reform was very gradual and partial, mostly due to the effective inclusion of opposition parties and social groups in the negotiation of reform. This participation slowed down reform, but it can be argued that it also contributed to render the economic policy more predictable. Political participation might not only contribute to reform because it reduces resistance, but also because it promotes a more open society in which special interests find themselves more constrained. Chile is a case in which the bulk of the reform process took place under the Pinochet dictatorship.Yet, the decision of the successive incoming democratic governments of sustaining the main aspects of the market-oriented reforms, together with the consensual and institutionalized policymaking style with which modifications and adjustments have proceeded, has tended to generate an increasingly virtuous circle between reforms, democratic participation, and transparency. CONCLUDING REMARKS This paper attempted to extract some lessons from the reform experiences of the selected Latin American countries, on the basis of underlying country studies.That exercise led, in its central section, to reflections on several key themes in the political economy of reform, reflections which themselves had some elements of â€Å"concluding remarks†. For that reason, this final section is relatively brief, and instead of recapitulating everything said before, it just draws from a few points in order to take a (succinct) prospective look. The early evaluations of the impact of market oriented reforms were far more optimistic than later ones.The present political dynamics of these countries suggests that the fate of reforms is correlated with the outcomes of reform, and that both in turn are correlated with more slow-moving (not to say, permanent) â€Å"fundamental† local conditions, in particular with local institutional conditions. The ranking of both countries in terms of reform outcomes, and reform continuity and sustainability is almost identical to a ranking of State Capabilities developed by Stein and Tommasi at the Inter-American Development Bank, reflected in Stein and Tommasi (2005) and IADB (2005).Perhaps the main lesson we extract from the experience at this point, is that in democratic settings it is not a good strategy to impose reforms from above or by surprise. Consensus building operating through the social and political specificities of the country is not only a better way to achieve the desired reforms, but even a process for identifying and implementing policies and reforms more suitable for each country. The capacity of countries to achieve such processes seems conditioned by their political institutions and policymaking capabilities.REFERENCE Aguilera-Alfred, N. , D. Borda and D. Richards (2004) â€Å"Understanding Reform. The Predatory State and Economic Reform: An Examination of Paraguay’s Political Economic Transition†, Global Development Network, Mimeo. Castelar Pinheiro, A. , R. Bonelli and B. Ross Schneider (2004) â€Å"Pragmatism and the Political Economy of Market Reform in Brazil†, Global Development Network, Mimeo. Chumacero, R. , R. Fuentes, R. Luders and J. Vial (2005) â€Å"Understanding Chilean Reforms†, Global Development Network, Mimeo. Collier, Ruth Berins, and David Collier. 1979.Inducements versus Constraints: Disaggregating â€Å"Corporatism. † American Political Science Review 73, 4: 967-86 Fanelli, J. M. and V. Popov (2003). On the Philosophical, Political and Methodological Underpinnings of Reform. Global Development Network. Inter-American Development Bank (20 05) The Politics of Policies. Economic and Social Progress in Latin America and the Caribbean 2006 Report. Kaufmann, D. , A. Kraay and M. Mastruzzi (2003) â€Å"Governance Matters III: Governance Indicators for 1996-2002. † World Bank Policy Research Working Paper 3106, Washington DC: The World Bank.Rius, A. and N. van de Walle (2003) â€Å"Political Insitutions and Economic Policy Reform†, Thematic Paper for the Global Research Project on Understanding Reform, Global Development Network. Schneider, B. R. (2004) â€Å"Organizing Interests and Coalitions in the Politics of Market Reform in Latin America† World Politics 56 (April), 456-79. Stein, E. and M. Tommasi (2005) â€Å"Political Institutions, Policymaking Processes, and Policy Outcomes. A Comparison of Latin American Cases†, Inter-American Development Bank, Mimeo. http://en. wikipedia. org/wiki/Military_government_of_Chile_

Surprising Facts About Topics for Autobiographical Essay Uncovered by Industry Leaders

Surprising Facts About Topics for Autobiographical Essay Uncovered by Industry Leaders Once you have written your text, it's the opportunity to read it to find out what mistakes ought to be fixed and what things can be made better in your work. This book will feature a few of the females who've been pioneers in my personal field (Microbiology). Therefore, be ready for the simple fact your autobiography ought to be written by you by hand in the existence of the HR manager, and not submitted in ready-printed form. This autobiography example is ideal for both college and higher school students. Autobiography is the sort of document that may emotionally win the interest of prospective employer, so allocate enough time and effort to compose this document. The primary aim of the autobiographical essay is to demonstrate your individual qualities and abilities that will impress an admissions board. Regardless of what piece of writing you are assigned at your institution, the comprehensive paper has to be interesting to read. Ruthless Topics for Autobiographical Essay Strategies Exploited Narrative essays serve wide range of purposes. Virtually all writers seek the expert services of copy editors. The introduction is just one of the most essential parts since it is the point where the reader receives the very first impression of you. Regardless of the simple fact that you compose a story about yourself, you still must adhere to some requirements and build a very good structure of the essay. Even a fundamental autobiography outline can help you remain on track, stay organized, and save a lot of time. Make certain that you comply with the set instructions keenly. Distinct varieties of autobiographies serve various purposes. Once you know which to use, you can get online and find more info about the particular requirements for the format. Make the reader want to read the entire essay in 1 breath. Keep in mind this essay isn't the exact same thing for a CV or resume. Generally, an autobiographical sketch is simply an easy essay. Picking the topic for your essay could be the hardest part. The outline makes it possible to create a structure, produce ideas and allow you not to forget. Last, you've got to produce an outline of your upcoming essay. Be conscious of the size it must be and begin writing the narrative essay outline. In the same way as any other outline an autobiographical research paper outline is going to be 1. The Good, the Bad and Topics for Autobiographical Essay An autobiography isn't a straight story of your entire life. Thirdly, it can help you decide what work you need. This kind of autobiography describes a particular portion of your life. Writing an autobiography is an ambitious and intriguing work. If you wish to tell your readers about a definite period of your life, pick a genre of memoir. Take advantage of these themes as frequently as you are able to in order to form a consistent depiction of your story. Thus, when you plan your autobiography, be sure you concentrate on events that had significant effect on your life and totally ignore the tidbits. You may write about your accomplishments but in addition, you need to compose the flaws that have made you exactly what you are. There's a writing craft or a technique that is able to make your story come to life. If you compose the life story of some other person, that's referred to as a biography. So, it's a significant foundation for assorted epic stories! If you don't understand how to compose an autobiography in the suitable way it's time to learn from the very best writing examples. Topics for Autobiographical Essay - Overview A great idea is to write about either a terrific accomplishment or a difficult challenge you've faced. Even a single conversation may make a difference. There is but one topic you. Lies You've Been Told About Topics for Autobiographical Essay Our lives are simply a little part of the complete picture. If you're a student, your life story may not be that long. An autobiography is a good means to tell men and women in exactly the same situation that there's a way out. An excellent autobiography creates a particular image of the individual and shows how events in their li fe have formed the person as a person. A country is similar to man's shelter. Let other people read your work An outside or second opinion will be required to be certain your work would attract all. When written, there will be as many life stories as there are they. From the sample you are able to learn how to describe your own character and abilities for those who still don't know anything about you.

ROSS Surname Meaning and Family History

The Ross surname has Gaelic origins and, depending upon the origin of the family, could have several different meanings: From ros, a peninsula, isthmus, or promontory signifying someone who lived on a headland.From rhos, Welsh for moor or bog; signifying someone who lived near a moor.From rose and rosh, signifying a valley or dale between hills.A descriptive name from the Middle English rous, meaning red-haired.A habitational name for one who came from the district of Ross, in Scotland.  Or from Rots near Caen in Normandy. Ross is the 89th most popular surname in the United States. Surname Origin:  English, Scottish Alternate Surname Spellings:  ROSSE, ROS Famous People With the Surname ROSS Betsy Ross (born  Griscom):  widely credited with making the first American flagMarion Ross: American actress; best known for her role as Mrs. C on the 1970s sitcom Happy DaysNellie Ross (born Tayloe): first woman in the U.S. to serve as governor, and the first to direct the U.S. mint Where the Ross Surname Is Most Common According to surname distribution from  Forebears, the Ross surname today is most prevalent in the United States but is found in the greatest numbers (based on population percentage) in Scotland. It ranks as the 1,083rd most common surname in the world—and ranks among the top 100 surnames in Scotland (14th), Canada (36th), New Zealand (59th), Australia (69th) and the United States (79th). Surname maps from  WorldNames PublicProfiler  indicate slightly different numbers from Forebears, putting the Ross surname as most common in Australia and New Zealand, based on frequency per million people. Within Scotland, the Ross surname is found in the greatest numbers in northern Scotland, including the Highlands, Aberdeenshire, Moray, and Angus. Genealogy Resources for the Surname  Ross 100 Most Common U.S. Surnames Their Meanings: Smith, Johnson, Williams, Jones, Brown... Are you one of the millions of Americans sporting one of these top 100 common last names from the 2000 census?Ross DNA Project: The Ross Family DNA Project seeks to use Y-DNA testing in combination with traditional genealogy research to enable Ross families to determine if they share a common ancestor with other Ross families.  This project welcomes all derivatives of the surname (Ross, Ros, etc.).Ross  Family Crest - Its Not What You Think: Contrary to what you may hear, there is no such thing as a Ross  family crest or coat of arms for the Ross surname.  Coats of arms are granted to individuals, not families, and may rightfully be used only by the uninterrupted male-line descendants of the person to whom the coat of arms was originally granted.ROSS  Family Genealogy Forum: Search this popular genealogy forum for the Ross  surname to find others who might be researching your ancestor s, or post your own Ross query.FamilySearch - ROSS  Genealogy: Explore over 5.2  million  results from digitized  historical records and lineage-linked family trees related to the Ross surname and variations on this free website hosted by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.GeneaNet - Ross  Records: GeneaNet includes archival records, family trees, and other resources for individuals with the Ross surname, with a concentration on records and families from France and other European countries.The Ross Genealogy and Family Tree Page: Browse genealogy records and links to genealogical and historical records for individuals with the Ross surname from the website of Genealogy Today. References Cottle, Basil.  Penguin Dictionary of Surnames. Baltimore, MD: Penguin Books, 1967.Dorward, David.  Scottish Surnames. Collins Celtic (Pocket edition), 1998.Fucilla, Joseph.  Our Italian Surnames. Genealogical Publishing Company, 2003.Hanks, Patrick, and Flavia Hodges.  A Dictionary of Surnames. Oxford University Press, 1989.Hanks, Patrick.  Dictionary of American Family Names. Oxford University Press, 2003.Reaney, P.H.  A Dictionary of English Surnames. Oxford University Press, 1997.Smith, Elsdon C.  American Surnames. Genealogical Publishing Company, 1997.

Serial Killers in the World - 1085 Words

Overview In the 1980s serial killers were understood to be a new development, a phenomenon frequently accredited to the excesses of American culture. It was a decade of change, one of freedom and great music. It was also a decade that brought the shock and fear of serial killers. Today it seems as if all societies have serial killers. People in today’s society are left with questions such as: Who are they? Why are they so different? Why do they commit such horrific crimes? There are many theories that psychologists and sociologists have researched but found no definite answers. The Bureau of Justice Statistics partnership with MINCAVA reported that, between 1976 and 1994 there were an estimated 405,089 murders in the United States. Of these, the circumstances surrounding the murder are known in 317,925, or 78.5%. Among the cases with known circumstances, an estimated 4,807, or 1.5%, were classified as involving rape or another sex offense (Greenfeld 1997). Though the vast majority of v iolent sex offending involves males assaulting female victims, females account for a small percentage of known offenders, and males account for a small percentage of victims (Greenfeld, 1997). Serial killers are a disturbing piece of the puzzle of society that we must figure out to save the lives of the public in the future. Although the term serial killer loosly means killing serveral people by different means, there are those who are indeed survivors of these horrific acts and live to tellShow MoreRelatedSerial Killers Have Plagued The World Since Before The 1500s1899 Words   |  8 PagesSerial killers have plagued the world since before the 1500s. Theories have evolved over long periods of time for explanations as to why people begin killing. The earliest explanation was rooted in witchcraft and demonic possessions overtaking the person causing them to commit these acts of violence. Biological, psychological, and social theories have emerged over the years as society has developed and advanced. The latest theory suggests that the behavior of serial killers results as a combinationRead MoreA Serial Killers Characteristics Begin at Childhood800 Words   |  3 PagesChi ldhood Characteristic of Serial killers The basic definition of Serial Killers are that it is a group of people who’s work is just to kill, kill and kill innocent people over a longer period of time without being wedged or bunged. They are not like mass murderers, who may kill many people at one time - majority of the time because of circumstantial behavior. Serial Killers are completely a different from traditional or mass murderers they always make a proper plan and they are very specificRead MoreSerial Killers in Modern Society1558 Words   |  6 PagesSerial Killers in Modern Society Introduction For hundreds of years, serial killers have actually been a huge fascination all over the world. Even though society has an undeveloped idea as to what a serial killer is and how they function, there is much more to serial killers that people are probably unaware of. In spite of classic myths regarding serial killers which are displayed a lot in movies, this essay will recognize serial killers as irregular as the individual that utilizes various strategiesRead MoreCharacteristics And Backgrounds Of Serial Killers Essay1495 Words   |  6 PagesSerial killers can be hiding behind the smiles of your neighbors, grocers, and the most unexpected individuals. According to Boschken (2014), a serial killer is an individual that has committed three or more murders over a month without a large gap between murders. Several different characteristics and backgrounds make up a serial killer. Studies have shown that an individual’s background can give insight into the victims and the offende r’s relationship to the victims. Serial killers can also beRead MorePerry Smith: A Passion to Kill1354 Words   |  6 PagesSerial killers have long eluded law enforcement while simultaneously grabbing the attention of the public, and now more than ever, criminal psychologists are beginning to understand what makes a serial killer. In his true-crime documentary, In Cold Blood, Truman Capote depicts the horrifying murders of four members of the Clutter family and the search to find the criminals responsible for the deaths. Eventually, two killers are caught, one being Perry Smith, a detached and emotionless man. And althoughRead MoreThe Various Forms of Serial Killers1018 Words   |  4 PagesThe term itself: serial killer, has so many connotations. Serial killers are very prevalent in today’s society, and are present in tv shows, books, movies, magazines. The public has formed an idea of serial killers that is not exactly all too correct. The general public’s idea of them is very broad, when in actuality serial killer’s come in many, many different shapes and forms. The world of a serial kiler has such a diverse group of people taht just a single, general idea of one doesn’t begin toRead MoreThe Mystery Of Serial Killers1214 Words   |  5 PagesSerial killers have unsuspectingly dwelled among society for as long as evil has been amongst the human race. The world would not be the same without these vile people. Yes, serial killers are awful human beings but there is something about them that has, and will continue, to be a topic of interest to the innocent. Serial killers are always talked about; in fictional movies, documentaries, books, speeches, dinner topics, the list goes on. The average, day by day people in society have always cravedRead MoreCharacteristics of a Serial Killer760 Words   |  4 Pagespain and death are twisted into a passion to kill. Unlike a â€Å"normal† individual, serial killers rely on m urdering to fulfill their craving of their gruesome thrills and addiction. Most of society incorrectly views serial killers because of how they are portrayed on television. For example, Dexter is a handsome serial killer who does lead a normal life but, he takes it upon himself to rid all of the â€Å"bad guys† in the world in order to accomplish his need to kill. Then there’s Freddy Krueger, he getsRead More Serial Killers: Monsters or Mentally Ill Essay1571 Words   |  7 Pages Studies show that traits of a serial killer can be seen in a person at a very young age. Most warning signs go unnoticed which is why the growth of the killer continues. A thing such as animal cruelty is one of many clues inside the growth of a serial killers mind â€Å"They often start out their careers by maiming, harming, and torturing small animals.† â€Å"In extreme cases, they have been known to spend hours inflicting a slow death on animals...this is a form of control that al lows them the power toRead MoreChapter 16. Serial Killers Are Not A New Development. They1189 Words   |  5 PagesChapter 16 Serial killers are not a new development. They have been among us since the beginning of time. Evidence of this can be seen by reviewing some of the world’s most high-profile crimes; some of which remain unsolved. Serial killers are difficult to detect. They are able to move through society, masquerading as normal, healthy individuals. A serial sexual sadistic killer is a specific type of predator. Their crimes suggest that they are void of any feelings or emotion. However, theories suggest

Retirement plans Free Essays

Abstract A good retirement plan should be one that would provide retirees with the most benefits. These benefits should ideally provide tax advantages. Tax savings can be realized in the short run or in the long run depending on the type of scheme selected. We will write a custom essay sample on Retirement plans or any similar topic only for you Order Now It should also provide a secure investment that offers attractive returns. This paper looks into the retirement programs highlighting the advantages of these schemes to different players. This paper opines that despite the few disadvantages of these schemes, They provide an great avenue through which employees can plan their futur. Definition These are a programs established by employer or employee or both aimed at providing the retirees with a source of income when they are no longer in employment. Retirement plans basically are set up as a form of savings plan to cater for the future i.e. by providing some form of income when a person has retired. Types of retirement plans There are several retirement plans available in the market today. The employees should therefore select a plan that meets their expectation and suits their needs. Below is a list and explanation of some of the available retirement plans. i) Individual Retirement Accounts plans It is one of the simplest retirement programs that can be set by an individual. It is also worthwhile to note that IRAs be established by employers. Therefore IRAs can be established with little employers’ involvement to those that they establish and contribute to the scheme. The retirement benefits depend on the contributions and subsequently the income earned by these funds. There are four IRA plans Payroll Deduction IRA- formed by the employee either under traditional or Roth IRA in conjunction with a financial institution. The financial institution (banks, insurance companies) then deducts the contributions towards the plan under the authority of the employee. Traditional IRA contributions are partly or wholly tax deductible and therefore present tax savings to the employee. The other advantage is that the earnings on the plan are not taxed unless distributed. The same applies to the contributions to the plan. Roth IRA deductions are not tax deductible and also distributions are not part of the income (Internal Revenue Service 2008) Salary Reduction Simplified Employee Pension Plan (SARSEP) – It is a simple plan that involves salary reduction agreement which enables the employers to contribute to the IRAs set by them and also to the employees IRAs. There contributions are subject to a limit. Simplified Employee Pension Plan (SEP)-Employers contribute towards the plan Savings Incentive Match Plan for Employees (SIMPLE IRA) – employers make contributions towards their own retirement plan and also that of the employees. The employees reduce their salaries with the employers making similar contributions. ii) IRC 401 (K) Plans. Can involve employees delaying their salaries and these money is taken to 401(k) plan supported by their employers. The deferred salary is not taxed unless distributed. The benefit of having a 401(k) plan is that one can have other plans as well The employee/employer contribution is subject to a limit with withdrawals being permitted but subject to taxes. iii) TRC 403(b)-Tax sheltered Annuity Plans This plan are operated by public schools and certain tax exempt organizations. This plan is same as 401(k) in the sense that contributions are in form of salary delays with the employers sponsoring the plan. The potential benefits of this plan are that the contributions and earnings on retirement are tax deferred with annuities being carried by the employee on retirement or change of employers (IRS: 2008) iv) IRC 457(b) Deferred Compensation Plans Established by state or local government or tax exempt organization under IRA (501(c). Employees or employers contribute to the plan through salary reductions up to a certain set limit under IRC 402(g) These plans can be eligible under IRC 457 (b) or illegible under IRC 457(f). Eligible plan allows tax deferral on contributions and earnings on the retirement funds (Ryterband Alpem: 2005) v) Designated Roth Accounts in 401(k) or 403(b) plans 401(k) and 403(b) can be designated as Roth plans since 2006. These plans are allowed under Code section 402 A added by the Economic Growth and Tax Relief Reconciliation Act 2001. Designated Roth contributions are included in the gross income and are also elective. A designated Roth account is where with contributions is made with separate accounting of contributions, gains and losses being maintained (IRS 2008) Designated Roth contributions are subject to limit with employee and employers contributing up to certain determinable limit. Advantages and Disadvantages of good retirement plan As discussed above, there are different types of retirement plans that employees and employers can chose from. The plan to be selected should provide the most benefits to both the employer and employee and most importantly suit the needs of both the employee and employers (Scotto, D., J et al: 2008) Therefore, in discussing the advantages and disadvantages of retirement plans, it important to approach it from the employees and employers point view. Advantages-Employees Tax saving-A good retirement plan should be able to provide the most tax savings and advantages. Tax advantages can be in the form of tax-exempt and tax deferrals. A good number of retirement plans offer these tax advantages and therefore employees and employers can select a plan that meets their needs (Maddock J, 2007) The tax savings can be realized in the short run or in the long run depending on the type of scheme selected. Many investment options and opportunities-The contributions (funding) to the retirement plan are invested in various investment options. A good retirement plan should therefore put the money in investments that offer attractive returns while at the same time safeguarding the investor’s money. Retirement plans are long term in nature and therefore the contributions should be invested in the long term also (Perlinger Financial Services: 2008) Provides a ‘nest egg’-Retirement plans provide employees with an opportunity to slowly but constantly contribute towards their retirement. The benefit of this arrangement is that it does not strain the employees financially and thus they are able to make contribution which they are comfortable with. All these contributions are invested in stocks, bonds and other investment opportunities which earn interest and appreciate in value and therefore the retirement benefits will accumulate and become substantial upon retirement. Employer contributions-Contribution to the retirement benefits plan can be by an individual or by the company or both depending on the type of plan. A good retirement benefit plan should allow both contribution of employee and employer. The employer contributions are usually elective in nature. Contributions by both employer and employee ensure that the fund accumulates faster and thus on retirement the fund will be huge. Performance of the fund-The contributors to the retirement scheme should be able to monitor the performance of the fund. A good retirement benefits plan should provide regular updates on the performance of the fund so that any surplus or deficit can be appropriately dealt with. Advantages- Employer Employee retention-A good retirement plan can act as an incentive to the employees and also attract better employees. The company can retain its top employees by offering them a good retirement scheme and since it is for the long term, the company is able to retain them. The company is also able to attract employees who are better qualified in terms of experience and skills and thus the company will benefit (Business Owners Toolkit: 2008) Financial security of employees-Employees is able to perform optimally if they know that their financial future is guaranteed.   A retirement benefit plan that provides this perceived financial security is good Employee morale-Since most pension schemes are based on the salary earned by the employee, a good retirement plan therefore, serves to motivate and encourage all employees to work hard and hence earn more wages. Higher salaries subsequently means ‘handsome’ retirement package and this enhances staff morale. Tax savings-The contributions to the retirement scheme in most plans is tax allowable and this provides the company with the most tax efficient way of rewarding its employees. The contributions are deducted when calculating the taxable income. Reduced recruitment costs-As seen above, a good retirement plan helps the company retain most of its employees and therefore the costs associated with recruitment and replacing the employees who left the company is minimized (Perlinger Financial Services:2008) Disadvantages of retirement plans Despite all the numerous advantages of setting up a retirement plan, there are several disadvantages associated with it. Some of these are discussed below. Some of the retirement plans are time consuming, expensive and complex to set up. The result of this is that the company incurs extra expenses and thereby squeezing the profit margins. The complexities in establishing the plan will also present more costs apart from being time consuming (Business Owners Toolkit: 2008) The operations of the retirement plan needs professional expertise e.g. that of actuaries and accountant. These professionals offer their services at a fee which is usually expensive. The administrative costs of running a retirement plan may pose a challenge to the company in terms of extra costs. Early retirement by the employee could reduce the amount received. This in essence means that the employee has to work his full employment term in order to receive all his retirement benefits. This could mean being trapped in employment even if one is not comfortable. Joining a retirement plan late on in one’s employment i.e. when there are a few years till retirement may not accumulate a large amount enough to sustain the retiree. Therefore the retirement plan will not improve the financial security of the employee (Scotto, D., J et al: 2008) In some of the retirement plans, the contributor has no role in deciding where to invest the fund’s money. This means that the money could be invested in assets that are not in line with one’s investment strategies. This essentially means that the contributor has no control of his money. Employees are responsible for ensuring that they have enough savings for their retirement in some of the plans. This means that the employee is the one in charge of all the investment assets and therefore bears the responsibility of any losses incurred by these investments. Reference: Maddock, J (2007) Advantages of Offering a Pension Plan to Your Employees: Retrieved On 29/1/2009 Perlinger Financial Services Ltd (2008) Pension Plans: Retrieved on 29/1/2008 Internal Revenue Service (2008) Types of Retirement Plans: Retrieved On 29/1/2008 Business Owners Toolkit (2008) Pros and Cons of Retirement Plans: Retrieved On 29/1/2008 From http://www.toolkit.com/small_business_guide/sbg.aspx?nid=P05_4640 Scotto, D., J.   Maglio, V., T. Maglio, M. (2008) Choosing a retirement plan that meets the needs of employees and employer: Retrieved on 29/1/2008 from Retrieved On From http://view.fdu.edu/default.aspx?id=2333 Chang RuthenBerg and Long Pc (2003) Types of Retirement Plans retrieved on 29/1/2008 from  Ã‚   http://www.seethebenefits.com/CRLframeset800x600.asp?targetPage=http://209.85.173.104/search?q=cache:AO6rPS-WpS4J:www.seethebenefits.com/content/CWHY/typesretireplans.htm%20types%20of%20retirement%20plans Ryterand, D., J. L. Alpem, R., L. (2005). The Hand Book of Employee Benefits: Design Funding and Administration, section 457, Deferred compensation plans 6th Edition (NY) Mc Graw-Hill Professional.          How to cite Retirement plans, Essay examples

Positive Change free essay sample

â€Å"Making it Happen: Creating Positive Change to Become a Peak Performer† showed many ways of to be a successful person. It’s not difficult or complicated, you can be successful if you want to but you will have to put very much effort into being successful. To be successful in life, one should first set goals, one might need many goals to set or only one depending on what the person wants out of life. Most people fail to achieve their goals because they don’t know what they want in their life. However, staying focused on one thing and working it out, when it is done you can move to the next one. A clear head and mind might take an investment of time, maybe a lot of it. Be patient and take it slowly to work toward your goals, never give up or be discouraged about your dream. Do not be discouraged if it takes you a long time to become successful as many have to strive extremely hard for success. We will write a custom essay sample on Positive Change or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Changing your habits would help, even if it’s difficult. First, write down a list of what you want to change and then it will force you to think about it. Always have a positive attitude and be motivated to do the right things. You need to have the ability to bounce back because some people see their failure as just a temporary setback for their goal and others as a dead end for them. In your life you have a thing called integrity, meaning â€Å"a sense of wholeness. † If you don’t have this in your life you will have difficulty with your everyday life communication. Even if you are very talented or have a high IQ without this the way of life will be useless. You should expect many road bumps in the process to success. Success will not fall on your doorstep overnight although for some, a very small percentage has had this happen to them.

Truism About Human Nature Essay Example

Truism About Human Nature Essay Their vulnerabilities can be divided into 2. * Physical vulnerabilities * Personal vulnerabilities Physical vulnerabilities: Physical needs can be frustrated by physical privations or traumas leading to acute distress experiences such as hunger, thirst, cold, fatigue, the pain of disease or accident or attack, sexual tension. In the animal realm there appear to be something like emotional distress experiences involved with some, at any rate, of the physical ones. Thus there is anger vented in defensive or offensive aggression when the issues concern mating, territory or food. There is fear leading to immobility or flight when under attack, as an alternative to counter-aggression. There is grief in some species exhibited in wailing and mourning when there is separation from parent or offspring or mate. Human beings, it is reasonable to suppose, function in similar ways, with emotional distresses of anger, fear and grief and their behaviors, tied in with physical frustrations. In animals of the same species, anger with its associated aggressive threat or fight behavior appears to have adaptive functions: it leads to social cohesion and leadership by maintaining dominance hierarchies; it makes for an effective use of available territory (and food) by separating groups out over it; it benefits progeny by selecting out the best parents; it protects the young. Nor, in natural habitats, is it necessarily highly destructive: the norm is often threat behavior or token fights rather than serious wounding and killing, although the latter does occur. We will write a custom essay sample on Truism About Human Nature specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Truism About Human Nature specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Truism About Human Nature specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer Intra-specific aggression among animals seems more harnessed to the preservation of life than to its destruction. Among monkeys and apes, intra-specific aggression is stronger in baboons, weaker in gorillas and chimpanzees, but in the wild it is almost entirely reduced to threat displays with very little overt fighting. In unusual environmental circumstances however, as in captivity where there may be crowding and/or sudden disturbances, unfamiliar irritations, then all these species can be violently aggressive to their own kind. We do not know the sort of aggression that occurred among early hominids, but it does seem reasonable to suppose that the human organism, physically comparable as it is to the primates, has tendencies toward the adaptive aggression shown among primates and, when under physical duress such as overcrowding, to the more violently destructive aggression also exhibited under such conditions by primates. Personal Vulnerabilities: But the organism is not only the locus of physical needs, it is also the medium for the fulfilment of what I have called personal needs rooted in capacities for love, understanding and choice, where these capacities have a potential reach far beyond the confines of physical survival needs. Thus any interference with physical needs, any threat to the integrity of the organism, is at the same time some kind of interference with or threat to the fulfilment of personal needs. Why, for example, do human infants and children have a grief-like crying and sobbing response to minor physical hurts? Is it because the physical pain and shock is also experienced as an immediate interruption of their need to love and be loved? Thus to understand fully human response to physical privations and trauma, we must take into account, I suggest, not only the fear, anger and grief tied in with organismic frustration but also a different order of fear, anger and grief that is tied in with the frustration of personal needs as defined. The reverse may also be the case: frustration at the purely human level may of itself lead to distress at the physical level fatigue, insomnia, pain, wasting. ) Interrupt and restrict a child physically, then the simple angry fight response of the impeded organism can be enormously fuelled by the angry, righteous indignation of a being whose need to be self-directing in her exploration of the world has been suspended. There is often this double loading of distress to take into account. But the two sorts of frustration can be relatively independent of each other. Thus the human adult at any rate can experience minor physical frustrations without distress at the level of personal needs; and conversely can have all physical needs fully satisfied while undergoing major frustrations of personal needs. Primary sources of personal vulnerability By primary sources I mean sources that are intrinsic to the human condition prior to human invention and intention. They are the inherent stresses of human existence, of the given system of persons in the world, stresses which can frustrate basic personal needs. 1. Tensions between physical needs or survival and personal needs for self-realisation and cultural achievement. This is the great tension between life and mind, between the biocentric nature of the organism and the mental aspiration of the person, accentuated by a physical environment that can demand persistent, repetitive, arduous address to survival tasks. The relentless meeting of physical needs can significantly frustrate the meeting of personal needs for shared loving, for knowledge, for varied cultural achievement through lack of time, energy, resources, opportunity. Distress may thus accumulate at the personal level, without time or knowledge to resolve it. 1. If, as well as these effects of the persistent demands of survival, there is added actual frustration of physical needs as a result of drought or pests or disease or any other natural cause, then we have the crucial area of double distress: the distress of physical frustration compounds the already cumulative distress of personal frustration. 2. The biocentric nature of the organism may set up another kind of stress at the mental level. Physical needs may spontaneously distort the untutored human imagination into phantasies of disproportionate physical fulfilment, especially when these needs are subjected to the stress of frustration. There can thus be a stress-induced artificial inflation of physical satisfactions that can of itself subvert a real fulfilment of the person: mental capacities are frustrated by being harnessed to the irrelevant pursuit of redundant bodily gratification. 3. The postulated stress here is that of psychological gravity: the untutored capacities of the person are drawn into the orbit of physical needs, falsely illuminating and enlarging them, to the distortion of both. 2. Tension between love needs and the universal phenomenon of separation. Birth is a separation; death is a separation; disease, injury, congenital defect may involve separation; shorter or longer partings between those who love seem, to be inescapable components of living, working and surviving. Birth may be profoundly traumatic. 3. Tension between understanding needs and the relative inscrutability of phenomena. The world has not yielded up its intelligibility lightly: knowledge has been laboriously won. The unknown surrounds humans on every side. The human psyche is even more inscrutable than the phenomenal world. Humans want to understand, but the veil is drawn thickly around them and within them. 4. Tension between self-direction needs and the resistant, refractory, elemental nature of the physical. There is a great gap between aspiration and action, between the chosen possibility and its realisation in the world. Bodily skills have to be acquired, tools made, tough material worked. The world abounds with great frustrators of human effort, of the determination to take charge: fire, flood, deluge, drought, earthquake, avalanche, volcano, pests, vermin, animal marauders, disease, accident, deterioration, decay, and so on. 5. The inherent intrapsychic instability of, the internal tensions among, unprogrammed but potentially unlimited, human capacities, whose behavioural fulfillment is entirely acquired. This instability is accentuated by an environment which abounds with examples of destructive ruthlessness both in the animal kingdom and in the natural elements. A human may be frustrated and disoriented simply by the excess of options available. And in this state of internal disarray, destructive examples in nature may inspire inappropriate choices. Alternatively, situations may arise where human needs frustrate each other, so that love fulfilled or knowledge gained or autonomy achieved may be at the expense of one another. 6. Finally, of course, there is simply the presence of other members of the human race, all of whom are also subject to all the same sources of personal vulnerability, as well as the many sources of physical vulnerability. There is thus an inherent social instability in the given system of things: social transactions have to occur among beings who are immersed in a given world that can cause in them as individuals great personal stresses and frustrations on top of purely physical stresses and frustrations. Interacting with other beings who are personally and/or physically distressed is yet another source of frustration of personal needs. In one sense, all these interacting tensions can be seen as conditions of growth, the stresses that call human development into being. The human condition is inherently stressful, but in a human-affirmative or provocatively creative way. Up to a point, a tension or combination of interacting tensions, is a line of stress that provokes a growth-promoting and constructive burst of energy affective, cognitive, conative from the human being. Separation can intensify and clarify love; the inscrutability of the world provokes the mind into enquiry; the intractability of matter and its sudden cataclysms challenge achievement; the demands of survival arouse a technological and cultural development that transcends the purely iological; the inherent instability of human potential provokes self-knowledge and self-development; the inherent social instability that occurs in the given world is a spur to social creation, co-operation, collective achievement. The world provides a dramatic series of shocks and blocks that arouses the person slumbering in the organism, the society slumbering in nature. However the human condition a lso appears to be such that these tensions can interact and occur at a rate resulting in an accumulated overload of distress that can lead to compulsive, distorted, destructive behaviour. I have a phantasy caricature of a negative possibility for the life of early humans: they are beset by separation anxiety through high infant mortality, sudden death by natural disaster or animal attack, by disease or accident; they are beset by fears rooted in ignorance; by mounting frustration at the sheer implacability of the material world; they are internally confused by the inchoate aspirations of a multifarious, untutored and unknown potential; they are externally confused by association with other humans exhibiting the same range of tensions. And all these  personal  distresses compound a continuous series of  physical  dangers and distresses pain, hunger, cold, animal-like aggression (from animals and humans), and the fear and anger that go with them. Above all, because of the relentless need to pursue and maintain survival in a difficult environment, these compound distresses accumulate without respite without time to recover from them or knowledge to resolve them until a condition of overload is reached and behaviour breaks down into distorted and maladaptive forms  between people. The general thesis then is that the sources of physical vulnerability combined with the primary sources of personal vulnerability can have two different effects. Up to a certain level of intensity they provoke a truly human development: human capacities are exercised and fulfilled in meeting the challenge of physical existence. Beyond this level they overload the human system and behaviour starts to become distorted, especially behaviour between people. Distorted and perverted human behaviour is the secondary source of personal vulnerability. The level of intensity will fluctuate as a function of the changing patterns of interaction of very many variables. The critical threshold of overload will be idiosyncratic for each individual: a parent whose children all of die in infancy will be in a very different state of stress than one who loses none. But there may well be pervasive ecological factors that from time to time determine thresholds in a whole community. In general it seems reasonable to suppose that, given varied individual thresholds in a society, we shall find the typically human phenomenon of genuine cultural achievement interfused with distorted and perverted behavior some of which will be congealed in accepted social practices and institutions. The fact that the intrinsic stresses of the human condition are such that human behavior can break down into distorted and perverted forms is itself a kind of meta-challenge to transpersonal development, in my view. The first order challenge of the stresses is to personal and interpersonal development, but the continued vulnerability of  this  achievement is a second order challenge to cultivate the wider reaches of human awareness. In the theory and method of co-creating (Chapter 19,  Sacred Science,  Heron, 1998), I develop the radical view that cosmic self-forgetting, an ongoing contraction of spiritual awareness and attunement, is that which ultimately sustains all distorted human behaviors. Secondary sources of personal vulnerability Basic personal needs are frustrated by the interfering actions of other humans. The most obvious and most vulnerable victims are children. 1. Physical interference. Bodily harm or the threat of bodily harm; a difficult birth; sexual interference; deprivation of contact, food, water, heat, sleep, sex. This can lead to compound distress, as I have suggested: the emotional effects of physical frustration combined with the emotional effects of personal frustration. The emotional perturbation at the personal level when physical needs are frustrated will be much greater, I suggest, when other humans are the intentional frustrators than when non-human conditions are. Children who are physically harmed and deprived by their parents can clearly suffer, as well as the physical distress and its concomitants, a great interference with their needs both for love and for self-direction. 2. Psychological interference. That is, interference with personal needs as such. Love needs can be frustrated by parting, separation, loss that is the result of human decision and intervention; by censure, criticism, reproof, mockery, invalidation whether verbal or non-verbal; by psychological neglect, withdrawal, disregard, alienation, rejection. Needs for understanding can be frustrated in children by failure of adults to respond to enquiry, to give needed and relevant information, to communicate freely and appropriately, to provide an environment full of mental stimulation and arousal at critical periods of response, to facilitate imagination, phantasm and mythopoeia thinking, to provide equipment and opportunity for practical skills and learning how, to provide reading and writing skills. Needs for self-direction in children can be frustrated by adults nagging, by endlessly imposed prescriptions, commands, demands, precepts, minatory shoulds and oughts and musts and their negatives, by taking over and doing everything for, by failing to provide time and place for self-directed play, exploration, activity, interaction. There is probably no such thing as exclusive frustration of one basic personal need. Love frustrated is also in some way understanding and self-direction distorted (and similarly with each of the latter two): the unloved child may in later life exercise her intellect in strange ways and compulsively reject others in a way that severely restricts her ability to take charge of her life. 3. Social interference. The personal needs of a great number of people can be systematically interfered with in rigid organisations and societies in which there is political oppression, economic exploitation, denial of human rights. Personal needs here may be almost totally negated, or their fulfilment may only be tolerated up to a point and in certain restricted social areas, or the needs may be tolerated only in distorted and warped forms of development. But whatever distortions are imposed on the oppressed, complementary distortions are found in the oppressors. Social interference with personal needs can be looked at in three categories, the third including within it the second, and the second the first: * Face-to-face interference. The actual behaviour event where one or more persons interfere with the humanity of one or more persons. Organisational interference. A particular organisation the household, the school, the company, the department whose normative structure is oppressive in some or other respect to some degree. * Societal interference. Cultural oppression the oppressive features of the combined norms and values of a whole society, its political, economic, cultural, religious and domestic associ ations. Subcultural oppression would derive from the norms and values of a given social class, or ethnic group, or geographical community. Organisation and societal interference can be seen as the institutionalisation of distorted and perverted human behaviour. Oppressive interaction face-to-face generalises into oppressive normative structures. The distorted society is the artifact of distorted individuals and tends to be self-perpetuating until riven apart by the extremity of its own distortion. While an oppressive normative structure will be maintained by oppressive face-to-face interactions that occur within it, the mere existence of an oppressive normative structure can of itself be a source of oppression independent of any particular act within it. Thus once a person is sensitised to the structure, she will conform behaviour to it without there necessarily being any intervention from anyone else. Social interference with personal needs is not all of a piece. At the face-to-face level, these are some, at least, of the important distinctions to be made: * Interference that follows from distorted or perverted behaviour as these are defined in earlier sections. * Interference that follows from authentic good intention combined with ignorance. In the light of greater knowledge the interference would be seen to be both unnecessary and avoidable. The ignorance may have been avoidable or unavoidable: in the former case the good intention becomes somewhat tarnished. * Interference that follows from a rational, humane and well informed decision. The interference here may be regarded as necessary and unavoidable in the circumstances. There is unfortunately a blurred area between the first two of these and again between the last two. It may be unclear whether or not an ignorant good intention is but the masquerade of compulsive behaviour; or whether or not what appears to be a wise decision will be seen with the greater wisdom of hindsight to have been but ill-informed good intention. Tertiary sources of personal vulnerability A related and equally important distinction is that a social norm that has an interfering effect is not necessarily an obviously oppressive or unjust norm. In other words, I am postulating an area of unavoidable tension and conflict between personal needs and normative structures, however enlightened those structures may be. Persons can only be persons in relation. They can only realize their authentic personal needs in corporate systems of interdependence, in coherent and stable social structures, which by virtue of their nature tend to be conservative. At their best, such structures represent recently past levels of achievement in realizing human capacities. But if, as I postulate, such capacities are potentially unlimited in their range of fulfillment, then tension can arise between the degree of fulfillment evident in prevailing social practices and the innovative thrust of these capacities toward new levels of achievement. So that is one area of unavoidable tension: between the innovative individual and the social conserve, whatever the nature of the conserve. But apart from the drama of social change and innovation, there tends to be an unavoidable tension between individual needs and the corporate needs of the organization or collective within which the individual seeks fulfillment. The social realities of the human condition being what they are, I postulate that even in the most enlightened organizational development, tension and conflict will arise on the interface between individual need and corporate purpose. What makes an organization enlightened is that it has built-in procedures for acknowledging such conflict and working constructively with it. The child faces this tension in a particularly acute form, since the younger she is, the less readily she can grasp that the family collective has a purpose or purposes which may at times legitimately constrain the immediate fulfillment of her human needs. Frustration tolerance, skills in the constructive handling of tension and conflict, all appear to be necessary and legitimate concepts at the level of personal needs. When the capacity to love is fulfilled, it includes, paradoxically, just this ability to accept a measure of personal frustration, to work through conflict to the fulfillment of wider social purposes. These individual-in-society tensions I call tertiary sources of personal vulnerability because I believe they are intrinsic to social structures as such, however enlightened those structures may be, and only occur in their pure or intrinsic form in organizations that have started to clean themselves up, that have become relatively free of the more obvious distortions and perversions. I see such tensions as a creative issue when human beings start to climb out of their long history of individual and social breakdown, rather than as a contributory factor to such breakdown. The distresses to which these tensions may give rise will very much be self-generated by autonomous persons who will voluntarily undertake to undergo them as necessary part of personal growth and social change. This is the arena of voluntary, conscious, intentional suffering: the stress-seeking behavior of the self-actualizing person.